TI 

* 


LIBRARY 

theological  ^emiuaey, 

PRINCETON , N ,J 

No.  Case, -C4S — 

No.  Shelf,  <&r~r--l 

No.  Book,  

— No, .... 


From  the  Rev.  W.  B.  SPRAGUE,  D.D.  Sept.  1839. 


& 


JSpr&gue  Collection,  Vol, 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2015 


https://archive.org/details/extractsfromarti00unse_1 


FROM  AX  ARTICLE  IX 


THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW 

FOR  JANUARY,  1824. 

OX  THE  SUBJECT  OF 

| , 

**  % 

THE  AMERICAN 


Princeton  press : 

PRINTED  TOR  THE  NEW -JERSEY  COLONIZATION  SOCIETY, 

BY  D.  A.  BORRENSTEIN. 


1824' 


V N\  V V 

X \ 4 


\ 


THE  following  Extracts  are  respectfully  pre- 
sented to  the  Public  by  a Committee  of  the  Board  of  Managers? 

for  the  fieto-Strseg  Colonisation  .Soctctg,  pursuant 
to  an  Order  of  the  Board. 


EXTRACTS 


FROM  THE 

JiOFtfl  SlWCriCiW  lUUtCU), 

&c.  &e. 


If  we  should  be  thought  to  come  forward  at  a late  hour,  in 
noticing  the  labors  of  a Society,  formed  in  this  country  more 
than  seven  years  ago,  for  the  purpose  of  adapting  some  effici- 
ent plan  of  colonizing  the  free  people  of  color,  we  trust  our 
negligence  will  be  attributed  to  any  other  cause,  than  a want  of 
deep  interest  in  theobjctsof  the  Society,  or  indifference  to  the 
zeal  with  which  these  objects  have  been  pursued-  The  broad 
foundation  on  which  the  schemes  of  this  Society  are  built,  as 
well  as  the  character  of  its  patrons,  raises  it  to  an  importance, 
not  to  be  claimed  by  any  other  private  association  in  this  coun- 
try. Its  aims  have  a pointed  bearing  on  our  political  con- 
cerns, and,  if  successful,  cannot  fail  to  operate  most  favour- 
ably on  our  civil  institutions,  and  our  domestic  peace  and  hap- 
piness. 

Coming  to  us  in  this  shape,  and  patronized  as  it  is  by 
some  of  our  most  enlighthened  statesmen  and  disinterested 
philantrophists,  the  Colonization  Society  demands  of  those, 
who  would  judge  with  fairness,  to  examine  dispassionately, 
not  its  history  and  details  only  but  its  purposes  and  principles, 
not  the  failures  which  it  may  have  suffered  from  accidents  or 
inexperience,  but  the  motives  by  which  it  is  actuated,  and  the 
objects  which  it  would  attain.  Such  an  examination  we  are 
disposed  to  give  it.  What  has  this  Society  done  ? What  ad- 
vantages can  be  expected  from  its  success  ? Are  its  designs 
practicable  ? By  what  means  can  they  be  best  promoted  ? To 
these  general  topics  our  inquiry  shall  be  directed. 

The  plan  of  colonizing  the  free  people  of  color,  in  some 
place  remote  from  the  United  States,  originated  in  the  legis- 
lature of  Virginia  nearly  twenty  years  ago.  A correspond- 
ence on  the  subject  was  entered  into  betwen  Mr.  Munroe, 
then  governor  of  Virginia  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  President  of  the 
United  States.  The  purpose  of  this  correspondence  is  ex- 
plained in  a letter  from  Mr.  Jefferson,  written  ten  years  after- 


1 


COLONIZATION  SOCIETY. 


wards,  and  published  among  other  documents  appended  to  the 
First  Annual  Report  of  the  Colonization  Society.  It  ap- 
pears, that  the  governor  of  Virginia,  at  the  request  of  the  le- 
gislature, consulted  the  national  executive  on  the  best  means 
of  procuring  an  asylum  for  the  free  blacks  of  that  State,  and 
of  establishing  a colony  where  they  might  assume  a rank  and 
enjoy  privileges  from  which  the  laws  and  structure  of  society 
must  forever  prohibit  them,  in  their  present  situation.  Mr 
Jefterson  proposed  to  gain  them  admittance  into  the  establish- 
ment at  Sierra  Leone,  which  then  belonged  to  a private  com- 
pany in  England,  or  in  case  this  should  fail,  to  procure  a situ- 
ation in  some  of  the  Portuguese  settlements  in  South  America. 
He  wrote  to  Mr  King,  then  our  minister  in  London, -to  apply 
to  the  Sierra  Leone  Company.  This  application  was  made, 
but  without  success,  on  the  ground  that  the  Company  was 
about  to  dissolve,  and  give  up  its  possessions  to  the  govern- 
ment. An  attempt  to  negotiate  with  the  Portuguese  govern- 
ment proved  equally  abortive,  and  no  further  active  measures 
were  taken. 

The  legislature  of  Virginia,  however,  ceased  not  to  hold 
fast  its  original  purpose.  The  subject  was  from  time  to  time 
discussed,  till,  in  the  year  1816,  a formal  resolution  was  pas- 
sed authorizing  the  executive  of  the  state  to  correspond  with 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  soliciting  his  aid  in  procu- 
ring a situation  for  colonizing  the  free  blacks,  and  such  as 
might  afterwards  be  emancipated.  The  senators  and  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  from  Virginia,  were  requested  to  lend 
their  exertions  in  advancing  this  object.  Mr.  Mercer,  in  his 
address  at  the  first  annual  meeting  of  the  Colonization  Soci- 
ety, observed  that  4 this  resolution  passed  the  popular  branch 
of  the  legislature  of  Virginia  with  but  nine  dissenting  voices 
out  of  one  hundred  and  forty  six  ; and  a full  quorum  of  the 
senate,  with  but  one.  It  was,  in  fact,  but  a repetition  of  cer- 
tain resolutions,  which  had  been  unanimously  adopted  by  the 
same  legislature,  though  in  secret  sessions,  at  three  antecedent 
periods  in  the  last  seventeen  years.  It  was  truly  the  feeling  and 
t he  voice  of  Virginia.  The  legislatures  of  Maryland,  Tenes- 
see,  and  Georgia,  followed  the  example  of  Virginia,  and  adopt- 
ed a resolution  of  the  same  import.*  The  doings  of  these  four 
states  were  mentioned  with  approbation  in  the  report  of  a com- 
mittee of  Congress,  although  the  great  object  at  which  they 
pointed,  the  plan  of  colonization  under  the  patronage  of  the 
government,  seems  never  to  have  engaged  the  deliberations  of 
the  national  councils. 

* Ohio  has  recently  clone  the  same.  May  we  not  hope,  that  the  Legislature 
of  JYew- Jersey,  will  soon  he  added  to  this  honorable  Catalogue  ? Committee. 


ADVANTAGES  OF,  &.C. 


5 


The  first  person,  as  far  as  we  can  learn,  who  conceived 
the  notion  of  forming  a Society  for  colonizing  the  free  blacks, 
was  the  Rev.  Dr.  Finley  of  New  Jersey.  This  gentleman  had 
long  felt  a warm  interest  in  the  condition  of  this  class  of  our 
population,  and  had  consulted  his  friends  on  the  best  mode  of 
providing  for  them  a country  and  a home  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  United  States.  He  finally  settled  it  in  his  mind,  that 
Africa  was  the  most  suitable  place  for  such  a colony.  In  De- 
cember, 1816,  he  went  to  Washington,  where  he  began  in 
earnest  to  put  his  plan  in  execution,  wrote  a pamphlet  to 
recommend  it  to  the  public,  applied  in  person  to  several  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  and  citizens  of  Washington,  and  at 
length  succeeded  in  causing  a few  persons  to  listen  to  his 
representations  and  embrace  his  views.  On  the  21st  of  the 
same  month,  several  gentlemen  convened  to  consider  the  sub- 
ject, when  the  meeting  was  opened  by  an  address  from  Mr. 
Clay,  explaining  its  object,  and  setting  forth  the  advantages, 
which  might  be  expected  to  result  from  a Colonization  Society. 
He  was  followed  by  Mr  Randolph  and  other  gentlemen,  who 
accorded  with  him  in  sentiment.  A committee  was  appointed 
to  prepare  a constitution,  which  was  adopted  the  week  follow- 
ing, and  Judge  Washington,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  was  cho- 
sen  president  of  the  Society. 

On  Dr.  Finley’s  return  to  New  Jersy,  the  Legislature  was 
in  session  at  Trenton,  and  by  his  exertions,  an  auxiliary  soci- 
ety was  formed,  which  received  the  cordial  support  of  several 
members  of  the  legislature. 

Here  follows  an  interesting  and  ably  written  account  of 
the  several  expeditions  to  Africa , and  of  the  settle- 
ment of  the  present  Colony  at  Liberia , for  which  the 
reader  is  referred  to  the  Review  itself 


THE  ADVANTAGES  OF  COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 

These  are  too  numerous  and  weighty  to  admit  a detailed 
examination  in  this  place.  They  spread  over  a field  of  unli- 
mited extent,  and  pertain  not  more  to  that  unfortunate  portion 
of  our  race,  on  whose  condition  the  influence  of  the  Society 
immediately  acts,  than  to  our  national  policy  and  prosperity, 
to  our  security  and  happiness,  to  the  value  of  our  possessions, 
and  the  efficacy  of  our  moral  and  civil  establishments,  to  the 
execution  of  some  of  our  most  salutary  laws,  and  to  the  bright- 


6 


ADVANTAGES  OF 


ening  of  the  gloomiest  prospects,  which  pass  before  the  eyes  of 
the  patriot  and  philanthropist.  On  these  advantages  we  can 
touch  only  in  a rapid  manner,  aud  shall  content  ourselves  with 
a few  remarks  concerning  them,  as  they  relate  to  this  coun- 
try ; to  the  abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade ; and  to  the  civiliza- 
tion of  Africa. 

To  estimate  the  benefits,  which  a successful 
\antages  operation  of  the  Colonization  Society  will  con- 

this  country,  fer  on  the  people  of  this  country,  we  must  look 
for  a moment  at  the  present  condition  of  the 
colored  population,  the  manner  in  which  the  blacks  stand  re- 
lated to  the  whites,  and  the  slaves  to  those  of  their  own  color, 
who  are  free.  We  shall  here  find  a series  of  appalling  evils, 
growing  in  strength  as  the  ratio  of  population  increases,  and 
bidding  defiance  to  any  remedy,  which  either  our  political  or 
social  institutions  can  apply. 

We  cannot  express  our  views  on  this  subject  in  language 
more  appropriate  and  forcible,  than  that  of  Mr.  Harper,  as 
contained  in  a letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Colonization  So- 
ciety, appended  to  the  First  Annual  Report. 

4 In  reflecting,’  says  Mr.  Harper,  4 on  the  utility  of  a plan 
for  colonizing  the  free  people  of  color,  with  whom  our  country 
abounds,  it  is  natural  that  we  should  be  first  struck  by  its  ten- 
dency to  confer  a benefit  upon  ourselves,  by  ridding  us  of  a 
population  for  the  most  part  idle  and  useless,  and  too  often  vi- 
cious and  mischievous.  These  persons  are  condemned  to  a 
state  of  hopeless  inferiority  and  degradation,  bv  their  color ; 
which  is  an  indelible  mark  of  their  origin  and  former  condi- 
tion, and  establishes  an  impassible  barrier  between  them  and 
the  whites.  This  barrier  is  closed  forever  by  our  habits  and 
our  feelings,  which  perhaps  it  would  be  more  correct  to  call 
our  prejudices,  and  whicn,  whether  feelings  or  prejudices,  or 
a mixture  of  both,  make  us  recoil  with  horror  from  the  idea  of 
an  intimate  union  with  the  free  blacks,  and  preclude  the  possi- 
bility of  such  a state  of  equality,  between  them  and  us,  as 
alone  could  make  us  one  people.  Whatever,  justice,  humani- 
ty, and  kindness  we  may  feel  towards  them,  we  cannot  help 
considering  them,  and  treating  them,  as  our  inferiors  ; nor  can 
they  help  viewing  themselves  in  the  same  light,  however  hard 
and  unjust  they  may  be  inclined  to  consider  such  a state  of 
things.  We  cannot  help  associating  them  in  our  feelings  and 
conduct,  nor  can  they  help  associating  themselves,  with  the 
slaves : who  have  the  same  color,  the  same  origin,  and  the 
same  manners,  and  with  whom  they  or  their  parents  have  been 
recently  in  the  same  condition.  Be  their  industry  ever  so 
great,  and  their  conduct  ever  so  correct,  whatever  property 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 


they  may  acquire,  or  whatever  respect  we  may  feel  for  their 
characters,  we  never  could  consent,  and  they  never  could  hope 
to  see  the  two  races  placed  on  a footing  of  perfect  equality  with 
each  other  ; to  see  the  free  blacks  or  their  descendants  visit  in 
our  houses,  form  part  of  our  circle  of  acquaintance,  marry 
into  our  families,  or  participate  in  public  honors  and  employ- 
ments. This  is  strictly  true  of  every  part  of  our  country, 
even  those  parts  where  slavery  has  long  ceased  to  exist,  and  is 
held  in  abhorrence.  There  is  no  state  in  the  union,  where  a 
negro  or  mulatto  can  ever  hope  to  be  a member  of  Congress, 
a Judge,  a militia  officer,  or  even  a justice  of  the  peace  ; to 
sit  down  at  the  same  table  with  the  respectable  whites,  or  to 
mix  freely  in  their  society.’ 

At  this  stage  of  our  national  progress,  it  is  idle  to  investi- 
gate the  causes,  which  have  fixed  these  impressions,  and  built 
up  these  unnatural  barriers  of  separation  ; and  worse  than  idle 
to  tell  us,  what  we  know  full  well,  that  they  are  unreasonable, 
unjust,  and  inhuman. 

Let  the  fact  be  as  melancholy  as  it  will,  it  is  nevertheless  a 
fact,  and  one  with  which  we  must  be  contented,  without  at- 
tempting to  palliate  the  enormities  out  of  which  it  has  arisen, 
that  the  course  of  events,  over  which  we  have  had  no  control, 
and  the  customs  of  society  whose  power  no  arm  of  flesh  can 
counteract,  have  brought  the  whole  body  of  the  people  of  co- 
lor. both  bond  and  free,  into  a situation  fruitful  of  infinite  mis- 
chiefs to  themselves,  and  to  the  whites.  That  watchful  guard- 
ian of  character  and  morals,  public  opinion,  exerts  its  power 
in  vain  on  the  blacks,  because  this  same  public  opinion  has  in- 
humanly branded  them  with  a mark  of  degradation,  which  they 
feel  it  impossible  to  erase,  and  has  thrust  them  into  a rank 
among  their  fellow-men,  above  which,  neither  virtue  nor  knowl- 
edge, wisdom  nor  piety,  can  enable  them  to  ascend. 

In  this  respect,  as  Mr.  Harper  has  justly  observed,  there  is 
a wide  difference  between  slavery  in  America,  and  in  all  other 
countries.  Color  has  become  a signal  of  inferiority,  by  the 
mere  habit  of  connecting  the  idea  of  a slave  with  that  of  a 
dark  skin  ; nor  can  it  be  otherwise,  while  the  principles  of  as- 
sociation hold  their  place  among  the  first  elements  of  the  hu- 
man mind.  Anciently  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  as  now 
among  the  different  nations  of  Europe  and  Asia,  no  distinction 
of  color  existed  between  the  slave  and  his  master.  Then  sla- 
very was  remediable  evil ; emancipation  w’ashed  out  the  stain  ; 
intellect  and  virtue  had  their  influence  ; to  have  been  a slave, 
was  no  bar  to  any  degree  of  dignity  and  respect,  which  future 
merit  might  deserve  ; Terence  and  Epictetus  lost  none  of  the 
admiration  justly  due  to  their  talents,  because  they  were  slaves  ; 


8 


ADVANTAGES  OF 


they  were  not  the  less  caressed  by  the  great,  admired  by  the 
wise,  and  honored  by  all. 

No  such  thing  can  happen  in  this  country.  Give  freedom 
to  a slave,  and  where  do  you  place  him  ? Not  above  the  repul- 
siveness of  popular  feeling,  not  in  the  rank  of  the  meanest 
white  man,  not  in  a sphere  where  he  can  gather  around  him  the 
affections  or  participate  the  friendships,  or  be  consoled  by  the 
sympathy,  of  the  respectable  members  of  the  community.  He 
is  pressed  down,  till  debasement  becomes  a habit  : he  has  gro- 
velled, till  the  desire  of  rising  out  of  the  dust  is  lost;  ambi- 
tion has  w ithered  in  its  starting  freshness  ; emulation  has  been 
blighted  in  the  opening  bud  ; virtue  has  sunk  weary  with  ill 
requited  exertion  ; and  hope,  the  last  kind  comforter  of  the 
wretched,  has  forsaken  his  bosom,  and  left  him  reckless  of  his 
condition  and  his  destiny. 

The  character  of  slavery,  as  it  exists  in  this  country,  ren- 
ders emancipation  to  any  practicable  extent  impossible,  unless 
there  shall  be  some  place  out  of  the  United  States,  to  which 
free  persons  of  color  may  be  sent,  where  they  may  enjoy  the 
civil  privileges  of  which,  for  wise  purposes,  it  is  here  necessary 
that  the  laws  should  deprive  them  ; and  where  they  may  obtain 
those  means  of  happiness,  which  freedom  and  self-government 
will  put  into  their  hands.  No  dream  can  be  more  wild,  than 
that  of  emancipating  slaves,  who  are  still  to  remain  among  us 
free ; we  unhesitatingly  express  it  as  our  belief,  and  we  speak 
from  some  experience,  that  the  free  people  of  color,  as  a class 
in  the  slave  holding  states,  are  a greater  nuisance  to  societv, 
more  comfortless,  tempted  to  more  vices,  and  actually  less  qua- 
lified to  enjoy  existence,  than  the  slaves  themselves.  In  such 
a state  of  things,  manumission  is  no  blessing  to  the  slave,  while 
it  is  an  evil  of  the  most  serious  kind  to  the  whites. 

This  we  deem  an  important  consideration,  because  it  brings 
the  subject  of  emancipation  to  a single  point. 

We  suppose  it  is  the  cherished  hope  of  every  true  patriot, 
as  w ell  as  of  every  benevolent  man,  that  the  day  will  come, 
when  the  scourge  of  slavery  shall  no  longer  be  felt  in  the  land, 
when  the  rod  of  chastisement  shall  be  withdrawn,  and  all 
voices  shall  join  in  the  song  of  freedom.  There  is  one  possible 
way,  and  only  one,  in  which  this  event  can  be  accomplished, 
or  even  approximated.  It  is  by  colonization , andby  this  alone , 
that  the  mischiefs  of  slavery,  and,  what  is  more  to  be  dreaded 
than  slavery,  the  living  pestilence  of  a free  black  population , 
can  be  lessened.  We  take  the  position  to  be  settled  that  no 
possible  remedy  can  be  imagined,  while  the  people  of  color  con- 
tinue with  us,  whether  as  slaves,  or  as  freemen  subject  to  their 
present  legal  disabilities.  Can  any  combination  of  farts  more 


COLONIZATION  OF  AFRICA. 


9 


clearly  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  procuring  an  asylum  for 
these  people,  in  some  place  remote  from  our  own  territory,  or 
more  loudly  demand  the  union  of  all  hearts  and  hands  in  aid 
ing  the  benevolent  and  well  designed  beginnings  of  the  Colo- 
nization Society?  As  all  hope  of  future  relief  rests  on  some 
-experiment  of  this  sort,  who  does  not  see,  that  the  sooner  it  is 
begun,  the  less  formidable  will  be  the  obstacles  to  contend 
against,  and  the  more  encouraging  the  prospects  of  success  ? 

4 Great  as  the  benefits  are,’  says  Mr.  Harper,  * which  we 
may  promise  ourselves,  from  the  colonization  of  the  free  peo- 
ple of  color,  by  its  tendency  to  prevent  the  discontent  and 
corruption  of  our  slaves,  and  to  secure  to  them  a better  treat- 
ment by  rendering  them  more  worthy  of  it,  there  is  another 
advantage  infinitely  greater,  in  every  point  of  view,  to  which  it 
may  lead  the  way.  It  tends,  and  may  powerfully  tend,  to  rid 
us  gradually  and  entirely,  in  the  United  States,  of  slaves  and 
slavery ; a great  moral  and  political  evil,  of  increasing  viru- 
lence and  extent,  from  which  much  mischief  is  now  felt,  and 
very  great  calamity  in  future  is  justly  apprehended.  It  is  in 
this  point  of  view,  I confess,  that  the  scheme  of  colonization 
most  strongly  recommends  itself,  in  my  opinion,  to  attention 
and  support.  The  alarming  danger  of  cherishing  in  our  bosom 
a distinct  nation,  which  can  never  become  incorporated  with 
us,  while  it  rapidly  increases  in  numbers,  and  improves  in  in- 
telligence ; learning  from  us  the  arts  of  peace  and  war,  the 
secret  of  its  ow  n strength,  and  the  talent  of  combining  and 
directing  its  force  5 a nation  which  must  ever  be  hostile  to  us, 
from  feeling  and  interest,  because  it  can  never  incorporate 
with  us,  nor  participate  in  the  advantages  which  we  enjoy ; 
the  danger  of  such  a nation  in  our  bosom,  needs  not  to  be  point- 
ed out  to  any  reflecting  mind.  It  speaks  not  only  to  our  un- 
derstandings, but  to  our  very  senses  ; and  however  it  may  be 
derided  by  some,  or  overlooked  by  others,  who  have  not  the 
ability  or  the  time,  or  do  not  give  themselves  the  trouble,  to  re- 
flect on,  and  estimate  properly,  the  force  and  extent  of  those 
great  moral  and  physical  causes,  which  prepare  gradually,  and 
at  length  bring  forth,  the  most  terrible  convulsions  in  civil  so- 
ciety ; it  will  not  be  viewed  without  deep  and  awful  appre- 
hension, by  any  who  shall  bring  sound  minds,  and  some  share 
of  political  knowledge  and  sagacity,  to  the  serious  considera- 
tion of  the  subject.*  Such  persons  will  give  their  most  seri- 

* “ The  hour  of  emancipation  (says  the  venerable  Jefferson,  in  a letter  to 
Governor  Coles,)  is  advancing  in  the  march  of  time.  It  will  come  ; and  whe- 
ther brought  on  by  the  generous  energy  of  our  own  minds,  or  by  the  bloody 
process  of  St.  JJomingo , excited  and  conducted  by  the  power  of  our  present 

B 


10 


ADVANTAGES  OE 


ous  attention  to  any  proposition,  which  has  for  its  object  the 
eradication  of  this  terrible  mischief,  lurking  in  oor  vitals.’ 

In  the  course  of  his  further  remarks,  Mr.  Harper  draws  a 
vivid  picture  of  the  mischievous  effects  growing  out  of  the  co- 
lored population,  and  sets  forth  the  advantages,  which  the 
country  would  gain  by  gradually  releasing  itself  from  this  bur- 
den. The  author  speaks  not  more  from  deep  reflection,  than 
from  observation  and  experience  ; the  accuracy  of  his  know- 
ledge and  the  soundness  of  his  judgment  are  alike  to  be  trust 
ed.  His  views  are  philosophical  ; they  are  just  in  principle 
and  fact.  Revealing  the  causes  of  the  evils,  which  now  af- 
flict us,  he  proves  them  to  be  radical,  and  suggests  the  only 
method  by  which  they  can  be  torn  up  and  destroyed.  Draw 
off  the  free  blacks  ; then  give  freedom  to  the  slaves,  and  let 
them  follow.  White  labourers  will  come  in  and  take  their 
place,  as  fast  as  the  odium  of  slavery  wears  away  ; labour  will 
be  more  productive,  lands  more  valuable,  and  the  means  of 
wealth  more  abundant  ; a vicious,  worthless,  dangerous  pop- 
ulation will  be  succeeded  by  an  intelligent  and  thriving  class, 
who  will  stand  as  pillars  of  strength  in  the  social  fabric.  This 
is  no  impossible  task,  if  rightly  undertaken  5 so  great  a change 
must  necessarily  be  brought  about  by  imperceptible  degrees ; 
the  Colonization  Society  has  taken  the  first  step  ; let  its  en- 
terprise be  seconded  with  energy,  and  the  work  will  in  due 
time  be  clone. 

Nor  are  the  benefits  at  which  we  have 
Slaves  16  hinted  wholly  prospective.  They  began  to 
themselves.  to  be  realized  when  the  first  Colonist  left 
the  country,  and  they  will  increase  as  others 
go  after  them.  They  will  be  seen  in  the  improved  character 
and  condition  of  the  slaves,  who  remain  ; and  in  the  removal 
of  the  temptations  to  vice  and  idleness,  which  are  thrown  in  their 
way  by  the  free  blacks.  The  slaves  will  become  more  peace- 
ful and  moral ; they  will  be  happier,  and  better  qualifi- 
ed for  enjoying  the  blessings  of  liberty,  when  the  day  shall 
come  for  them  to  hold  a place  in  a Colony  of  their  free  breth- 
ren. Hence  the  benefits  to  the  white  population  in  the  slave 
holding  states  are  two  fold  ; the  slaves  are  made  better,  and 
the  poisonous  influence  of  the  free  coloured  people  on  society 
grows  weaker  as  their  numbers  diminish.  These  benefits  at- 

enemy,  if  once  stationed  permanently  within  our  country,  offering  asylum  and 
arms  to  the  oppressed,  is  a leaf  of  our  history  not  yet  turned  over.” 

“ The  love  of  justice  and  the  love  of  country,  (says  the  same  distinguished 
statesman)  plead  equally  the  cause  of  these  people  ; and  it  is  a mortal  reproach 
to  us,  that  they  should  have  pleaded  it  so  long  in  vain,  and  should  have  pro- 
duced not  a single  effort,  nay,  I fear  not  much  serious  w illingness  to  relieve 
them,  and  ourselves,  from  our  present  condition  of  moral  and  political  repro- 
bation.” Committee. 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 


11 


tend  the  progres  of  the  scheme,  which,  when  it  is  perfected, 
will  not  only  form  the  blacks  into  a new  and  improved  race, 
living  under  their  own  laws,  and  relying  on  their  own  resour- 
ces, but  will  add  to  the  wealth,  the  physical  strength,  politi- 
cal weight,  and  moral  and  intellectual  ascendency  of  those 
districts  of  country,  where  the  coloured  population  is  now  the 
most  numerous.  And  it  wiil  not  be  less  a national  benefit,  for 
this  is  one  of  those  cases  above  all  others,  in  which  the  whole 
has  as  deep  an  interest  as  a part. 

Besides  these  advantages,  which  pertain 
advaiiS^e?  t°  our  domestic  prosperity,  many  others 
may  be  expected  of  a commercial  nature, 
from  the  establishment  of  a Colony  in  Africa.  On  this  sub- 
ject it  is  impossible  to  speak  with  the  accuracy  of  calculation, 
and  conjectures  would  be  fruitless  ; yet  we  may  affirm,  that  no 
part  of  the  world  is  more  fertile,  than  western  Africa,  or  bet- 
ter calculated  to  produce  the  articles  of  commerce  usually 
found  in  tropical  climates.  A trade  of  considerable  profit 
has  for  many  years  been  carried  on  with,  the  natives  along  the 
coast,  by  individuals  both  in  this  country  and  Europe.  The 
Slave  Trade  has  been  a severe  check  to  the  success  of  lawful 
enterprise,  as  it  has  bartered  with  the  natives  and  taken  in 
exchange,  not  the  fruits  of  their  industry,  the  products  of  their 
soil,  the  rewards  of  honest  labour,  but  the  spoils  of  unnatural 
wars,  commenced  on  the  barbarous  principle  that  strength 
gives  right,  and  prosecuted  with  the  cruel  intention  of  con- 
quering to  enslave.  The  physical  strength  of  the  country  has 
been  employed,  not  in  the  thriving  pursuits  of  agriculture, 
and  the  improvement  of  the  arts,  but  in  sanguinary  contests 
for  the  plunder  of  human  beings,  in  murders,  kidnappings, 
and  all  the  atrocious  outrages,  which  savage  man,  under  the 
dominion  of  his  savage  passions,  can  inflict  on  his  fellow  man. 
The  inhuman  traffic  in  slaves  has  resisted  the  tide  of  lawful 
commerce,  by  rendering  it  unnecessary  to  the  natives  ; but 
this  bar  will  gradually  be  removed ; justice  will  not  always  be 
deaf  to  the  cries  of  the  sufferer ; the  energetic  measures 
adopted  by  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  will  contin- 
ue, as  they  have  done,  to  scatter  terror  in  the  minds  of  the 
miscreant  trafficers  in  blood  and  crime  $ and  even  the  Holy 
Alliance  may  one  day  think  its  plighted  faith  worth  remem- 
bering, although  in  an  unguarded  hour  it  was  for  once  pledged 
in  the  cause  of  freedom  and  humanity.  Let  the  slave  trade 
be  driven  from  the  earth,  and  few  countries  will  afford  more 
inducements  to  commercial  enterprise,  than  western  Africa. 

The  instance  of  Sierra  Leone  presents  us  with  no  unfa* 
vourable  view  of  what  may  be  done  in  the  way  of  commerce. 


12 


ADVANTAGES  OF 


That  colony  contended  for  a long  time  with  many  embarrass- 
ments it  was  owned  by  a Company,  whose  means  were  ex- 
hausted before  its  commercial  operations  could  go  into  com- 
plete effect ; it  suffered  from  wars  and  privations.  Y et  all 
these  difficulties  have  vanished,  and  the  commerce  of  Sierra  Le- 
one has  of  late  been  flourishing.  Thirty-five  vessels  were  en- 
tered at  the  port  in  the  year  1821,  registered  chiefly  in  Lon- 
don, and  containing  goods,  whose  invoice  amount  was  some- 
what more  than  8450,000.  The  duties  collected  iti  the  colo- 
ny during  the  the  same  year  amounted  to  828,000.  'ihe 
principal  articles  exported  in  return  were  ivory,  palm  oil, 
camwood,  gum,  beeswax,  gold  dust,  hides,  rice,  lumber  of  va- 
rious sorts,  mahogany  in  logs,  coffee,  African  wild  spices, 
Guinea  grains,  leopard  skins,  and  mats.  These  are  brought 
down  by  the  natives  ro  Sierra  Leone,  and  exchanged  for  cheap 
cloths,  and  various  articles  of  European  manufacture.  The 
trade  is  a profitable  one  to  the  importer,  and,  as  it  extends, 
will  run  into  new  and  promising  channels.  Mesurado  is  bet- 
ter situated  for  trade  than  Sierra  Leone  ; it  stands  at  the 
mouth  of  a much  larger  river,  is  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a 
more  fertile  country,  and  accessible  to  a larger  population  in 
the  interior.  Why,  then,  should  it  not  grow  up  to  be  a place 
of  commercial  importance,  employ  many  of  our  seamen , add 
to  the  tonnage  of  our  shippings  contribute  to  our  revenue , and 
thus  confer  a positive  good  on  the  nation,  at  the  same  time  that 
it  relieves  us  of  a positive  and  alarming  evil  ? Nor  ought  our 
views  to  be  confined  to  Mesurado.  Civilization  and  com- 
merce will  go  hand  in  hand,  and  new  sources  of  profitable  in- 
tercourse will  be  opened,  in  proportion  as  the  natives  learn 
the  best  modes  of  supplying  their  wants. 

Let  the  scheme  of  colonization  next  be 
The  0IV  considered  as  affecting  the  Slave  Trade,  and 
Slave  Trade.  it  will  be  seen,  that  its  benefits,  in  regard  to 
the  suppression  of  this  traffic,  are  scarcely 
less  important,  than  those  already  enumerated.  In  1808,  the 
earliest  time  provided  by  the  Constitution,  the  slave  trade  was 
prohibited  in  the  United  States,  and  laws  were  enacted  inflict- 
ing severe  penalties  of  fines,  imprisonments,  and  forfeitures 
on  those,  who  should  participate  in  this  guilty  traffic.  Ten 
years  afterwards  this  law  was  improved,  by  throwing  on  the 
defendant  the  burden  of  proof,  that  the  colored  person  intro- 
duced by  him  into  the.  country  was  lawfully  brought  in.  The 
law  s were  still  found  to  be  imperfect,  as  they  neither  afforded 
a sufficient  check  ta  the  trade  by  American  citizens  on  the 
coast  of  Africa,  nor  provided  any  means  of  redeeming  and 
restoring  to  their  country  the  unfortunate  victims*  who  might. 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 


IS 


in  violation  of  the  laws,  be  introduced  into  the  states.  To 
correct  these  imperfections,  the  act  of  March  3d,  1819,  al- 
ready mentioned,  was  passed,  authorizing  the  President  to 
station  public  vessels  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  make  such  ar- 
rangements as  he  should  deem  expedient  to  rescue  and  sup- 
port recaptured  negroes,  and  appoint  agents  to  reside  there, 
and  receive  such  persons  of  color,  as  should  be  sent  from  this 
country,  or  be  taken  by  our  cruisers  from  slave  vessels  on  the 
coast.  One  act  more  was  wanting  to  mark  this  wicked  traffic 
with  its  true  character,  and  this  act  was  passed  by  Congress, 
May  loth,  1820,  wherein  it  is  declared,  that  every  person 
proved  to  be  engaged  in  the  slave  trade  is  guilty  of  piracy , and 
shall  be  punished  with  death.  The  glory  of  taking  this  noble 
stand  against  the  long  cherished,  guilty  customs  of  the  whole 
world,  and  of  asserting  the  claims  of  humanity  on  the  broad 
principles  of  nature  and  right,  was  reserved  for  the  American 
Congress.  It  is  a bright  page  in  the  records  of  time,  and  the 
event  will  be  hailed  in  all  coming  ages  as  a memorable  epoch 
in  the  history  of  the  human  race.  It  has  already  gained  the 
spontaneous  applause  of  every  benevolent  heart,  not  more  in 
this  country  than  in  Europe.  Let  it  not  be  forgotten,  that 
this  step  was  first  recommended  by  a committee  of  congress 
acting  on  a memorial  of  the  Colonization  Society. 

This  memorable  law,  in  connexion  with  that  of  1819,  would 
seem  to  be  little  else  than  a dead  letter,  without  the  existence 
of  an  American  colony  on  the  coast  of  Africa.  Where  are 
the  agents  to  be  stationed  ? What  security  will  they  have  for 
their  persons  ? How  are  they  to  preserve  the  dignity  of  public 
agents  of  the  American  government,  or  in  what  manner  can 
they  discharge  the  duties  of  their  office,  in  opposition  to  the 
interests  of  the  people,  whose  protection  they  claim  ? 

In  the  President’s  next  message  to  Congress,  after  the  above 
act  was  passed,  he  observes,  in  referring  to  the  agents  whom 
he  had  appointed,  ‘ they  will  have  power  to  select  the  most 
suitable  place  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  at  which  all  persons 
who  may  be  taken  under  this  act  shall  be  delivered  to  them, 
with  an  express  injunction  to  exercise  no  power  founded  on 
the  principle  of  colonization,  or  other  power  than  that  of  per- 
forming the  benevolent  offices  above  recited,  [providing  for 
the  recaptured  negroes}  by  the  permission  and  sanction  of  the 
existing  government  under  which  they  may  establish  them- 
selves.’ But  what  existing  government  is  there  on  the  coast 
of  Africa,  which  is  not  engaged  in  the  slave  trade  ? And  is 
it  to  be  credited,  that  any  such  governmeut  would  give  per- 
mission for  an  agency  to  be  established,  whose  professed  ob- 
ject should  be  to  oppose  its  customs  and  discourage  its  trade  ? 


14 


ADVANTAGES  OF 


We  bold  the  thing  to  be  impossible.  While  the  agents  were 
supplied  with  presents  enough  to  bribe  the  kings  into  acqui- 
escence, tne  case  might  not  be  entirely  hopeless,  but  tempt 
their  cupidity  by  letting  loose  in  their  dominions  a cargo  of 
recaptured  negroes,  and  we  will  answer  for  their  integrity  no 
longer.  It  is  not  a characteristic  of  the  untutored  mind  to 
resist  the  stronger  motive,  especially  when  the  force  of  habit 
accords  with  the  impulse  of  interest.  And  then  it  is  not  like- 
ly, that  the  enslavers  on  the  coast  would  regard  with  a friend- 
ly eye  these  enemies  of  their  commerce,  acting  under  the  sane* 
tion  of  a foreign  power.  Let  the  subject  be  viewed  as  it  may, 
and  there  will  not  be  a shadow  of  hope,  that  two  unprotected 
agents,  fixing  themselves  among  the  natives,  could  do  any 
thing  towards  an  effectual  execution  of  the  laws  of  the  United 
States.  They  would  effect  little  else,  than  to  supply  the  slave 
market  in  Africa  to  the  full  amount  of  recaptured  persons, 
whom  they  should  receive. 

That  such  a scheme  should  have  been  contemplated  by  the 
Executive,  was  evidently  the  result  of  necessity  ; Congress 
had  directed  agents  to  be  appointed,  but  had  not  looked  for- 
ward to  the  thing  of  chief  importance,  the  mode  in  which  they 
should  be  so  employed  as  to  render  their  agency  of  any  prac- 
tical value.  Thus  situated,  the  President  had  no  alternative, 
but  to  appoint  agents,  and  instruct  them  as  he  did.  Happily, 
however,  the  experiment  was  not  tried.  The  government 
made  common  cause  with  the  Colonization  Society ; the  agents 
of  both  were  directed  to  act  in  concert,  and  as  far  as  we  can 
learn,  they  have  thus  acted  till  the  present  time.  We  believe, 
indeed,  that  both  agencies  are  now  vested  in  Dr.  Ayres  alone. 
For  all  the  good  effects,  which  have  grown  out  of  the  lawT  of 
1819,  the  government  is  indebted  to  the  Colonization  Society. 
The  latter  has  no  doubt  received  eminent  services  from  the 
former,  and  probably  has  been  able  to  sustain  its  operations  in 
Africa  only  through  the  aids  thus  received,  but  still  the  pro- 
ject of  a colony  belonged  to  the  Society,  and  its  efforts  have 
been  turned  exclusively  to  that  object. 

The  President  was  extremely  guarded  in  his  instructions 
to  the  agents,  and  imposed  on  them  4 an  express  injunction  to 
exercise  no  power  founded  on  the  principle  of  colonization.’ 
We  do  not  intend  here  to  enter  on  the  topic  of  colonization  in 
its  political  bearings  ; these  are  unquestionably  important,  and 
there  may  be  reasons  why  it  is  inexpedient  for  the  United 
States  to  found  colonies  abroad  for  any  purpose,  although  w e 
have  never  seen  them  stated.  The  present  is  obviously  a case 
in  which  the  laws  of  the  Union,  and  some  of  its  laws  of  first 
moment,  cannot  be  executed*  except  through  the  medium  of  a 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 


15 


colony.  Notwithstanding  the  President’s  cautious  injunction, 
the  agents  have  exercised  no  power  to  any  purpose,  which  was 
not  ‘founded  on  the  principle  of  colonization.’  Is  it  said, 
that  this  was  only  a private  colony,  to  which  the  agents  resort- 
ed as  affording  them  protection,  and  facilities  for  discharging 
their  duty  ? Let  this  be  granted,  and  our  position  will  then 
hold  the  same,  that  they  have  done  nothing  except  through  the 
aids  of  a colony. 

And,  moreover,  a slight  inspection  will  show,  that  the  co- 
lony at  Mesurado  wants  nothing  to  make  it  a public  colony 
already,  but  the  mere  form  of  recognition  on  the  part  of  the 
government.  To  all  practical  purposes  it  has  been  such  from 
the  beginning.  Lieutenant  Stockton  of  the  United  States  Na- 
vy w as  one  of  the  signers  to  the  treaty,  by  which  the  land  w as 
ceded  to  the  Society,  and  he  afforded  such  assistance  as  was 
requisite  in  establishing  the  colonists  on  the  ground.  Similar 
aids  have  been  rendered  by  all  the  public  vessels  on  the  coast. 
Captain  Spence  built  a fort  on  the  Cape  at  the  public  charge, 
supplied  with  guns,  and  the  American  flag  was  hoisted  on  its 
battlements.  He  also  left  an  armed  schooner  for  the  better 
protection  of  the  colonists.  The  present  agent,  Dr.  Ayres, 
is  appointed  under  the  law  of  Congress,  and  supported  by  the 
government.  These  facts  we  state  as  e\idence,  that  the  lawrs 
against  the  Slave  Trade  cannot  be  put  into  execution,  except 
‘ on  the  principle  of  colonization.’  All  the  efforts  which  have 
as  yet  been  made,  have  forced  themselves  of  their  own  accord 
into  this  channel,  and  any  attempt  to  compass  the  object  on 
other  principles  would  end  in  a total  failure.  We  repeat  then, 
that  to  the  Colonization  Society  belongs  the  praise  of  having 
projected  the  only  practicable  scheme  of  carryingthe  abolition 
laws  into  effect,  and  affirm,  that  these  laws  will  be  executed 
in  proportion  as  the  government,  either  directly  or  indirectly, 
acts  on  the  principles  of  this  Society.  Let  the  starting  point 
be  where  it  will,  here  is  the  centre  to  which  every  successful 
movement  will  come  at  last. 

In  regard  to  the  advantages,  which  maybe 
vantages  expected  to  Africa  itself  from  a colony  in  "that 
Africa.  country,  they  are  too  numerous  to  be  mention- 
ed in  detail,  and  the  most  of  them  too  obvious 
to  require  much  remark.  From  the  time  the  eloquence  t>f 
Wilberforce,  and  the  high  minded,  untiring  zeal  of  Clarkson, 
first  awaked  a slumbering  world  to  a recognition  of  the  dear- 
est, although  long  forgotten  rights  of  humanity,  down  to  the 
present  period,  every  day  has  proved  the  grand  secret  of  Af- 
rican degradation  to  consist  in  the  slave  trade.  Abolish  this 
effectually  and  forever,  and  you  have  done  all ; you  have  rais- 


16 


ADVANTAGES  OF 


ed  a prostrate  continent  to  a proud  eminence  in  the  rank 
of  physical  and  moral  being.  The  laws  of  civilized  countries 
will  avail  something,  but  tenfold  greater  will  be  the  influence 
of  a well  ordered  colony  residing  in  the  midst  of  the  people, 
teaching  them  the  arts  of  life,  showing  them  the  value  of  men- 
tal and  moral  improvement,  and  convincing  them  by  example, 
that  civilization  in  all  its  branches  is  the  spring  and  the  safe- 
guard of  human  happiness.  The  spirit,  which  cherishes  the 
unholy  practice  of  slavery,  holds  dominion  in  the  minds  of 
the  people,  planted  there,  and  nurtured  there,  it  is  true,  by 
the  avarice,  cupidity,  and  crimes  of  civilized  barbarians,  yet 
it  must  be  rooted  out  and  destroyed  in  its  source,  before  the 
evil  will  cease.  Let  the  navies  of  the  world  be  combined, 
and  line  the  coast  of  Africa  from  Tangier  to  Babelmandel, 
and  even  make  it  certain  that  not  a slave  shall  escape,  this 
would  not  be  abolishing  the  slave  trade.  The  spirit  would 
still  lurk  in  the  vitals  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of 
people,  and  even  in  this  sphere,  narrow  compared  with  its 
present  extent,  it  would  show  itself  in  all  the  miseries  of  in- 
testine wars  and  plunderings,  misrule  in  government,  and 
heart-rending  separations  in  the  domestic  and  social  circles. 

As  a first  step,  the  slave  trade  must  cease ; the  work  of 
humanity  will  then  be  commenced ; the  door  of  legalized 
crime  will  be  closed,  and  the  dawn  of  innocence  will  rise  to 
witness  the  expiring  struggles  of  guilt.  Next  enlighten  the 
natives,  and  the  cause  of  humanity  will  be  completely  vindi- 
cated ; nature  will  teach  the  rest;  governments  will  grow  up, 
founded  on  the  eternal  basis  of  truth  and  right ; peace  and 
happiness  will  reign  in  the  land  ; the  horn  of  plenty  will  pour 
its  abundant  stores  at  the  feet  of  the  labourer  ; wisdom  will 
assert  her  empire  in  the  mind  ; the  affections  will  bloom  with 
new  freshness  and  fragrance  in  the  heart ; and  the  injured, 
insulted,  degraded  African  will  rise  to  a level  with  his  species, 
and  prove  to  his  deriding  oppressors,  that  the  same  God,  who 
has  stamped  his  image  on  other  men,  has  in  equal  kindness 
bestowed  on  him  in  full  measure  the  sources  of  feeling,  the 
power  of  intellect,  and  all  the  ennobling  principles  of  human 
nature. 

These  two  objects,  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade,  and 
the  practical  civilization  of  Africa,  may  be  pursued  together. 
Each  will  advance  the  other.  A colony  on  the  coast,  at  the 
same  time  it  affords  facilities  for  carrying  into  effect  the  laws 
against  the  slave  trade,  will  be  a post  of  observation  to  de- 
tect illegal  trafficers,  and,  by  heightening  the  risk  to  discour- 
age the  boldness  of  adventurers.  The  hiding  places  of  mis- 
chief will  be  revealed,  and  proper  remedies  applied ; the  ar- 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRI0A. 


17 


tifices  of  iniquity  will  be  laid  open,  and  the  machinations  of 
deliberate  crime  frustrated.  The  interests  of  a colony  will 
harmonize  with  its  favourable  circumstances,  and  prompt  it  to 
watchfulness,  and  a speedy  exposure  of  abuses.  It  can  give 
timely  information  to  public  cruisers,  and  guide  their  efforts  to 
a more  efficient  service. 

But  the  good  effects  of  a colony  have  yet  a much  higher 
character,  as  seen  in  the  local  and  moral  improvement  of  the 
natives  within  its  influence.  Wars  in  Africa  are  terrific  ; 
like  armies  of  devouring  locusts,  they  pass  over  the  land  and 
leave  a depopulated  desert  behind.  1 To  give  no  quarter  to  an 
enemy,’  says  Governor  Ludlam,  4 or  to  put  to  death  prisoners 
taken  in  the  field,  would  doubtless  reduce  their  number  ; but 
men,  and  men  in  arms,  would  be  the  only  sufferers  ; and  the 
slaughter  of  an  army  would  tend  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  In 
Africa,  however,  war  is  made  equally  on  men,  women  and 
children  ; those  who  are  unable  to  lift  a weapon  are  as  much 
its  victims,  as  those  who  carry  a musket,  and  a chief  can  ne- 
ver want  funds  for  carrying  on  a war,  so  long  as  his  enemy  has 
abundance  of  people.’ 

It  is  to  be  remembered,  how  ever,  that  the 
R c'ause6 o^theif16  motives  which  drive  Africans  to  war,  are  dif- 

intestine  wars.  ferent  from  those  of  all  other  nations.  They 
are  not  stimulated  by  revenge, like  the  savage 
Indians  ; nor  hurried  on  by  the  impulse  of  wanton  cruelty, 
like  the  Moors  of  the  desert ; nor  restless  with  the  ambition  of 
rising  above  their  neighbours,  and  extending  their  dominion, 
like  more  civilized  warriors.  The  mere  love  of  indolence, 
and  desire  of  ministering  to  their  wants  and  pleasures  with 
the  least  trouble  ; these,  unsubdued  by  any  power  of  moral 
principle,  which  refinement  would  quicken,  are  the  original 
springs  of  African  wars.  These  springs  are  kept  in  action,  if 
they  were  not  created  by  the  slave  trade.  The  natives  steal 
and  sell  one  another,  because  purchasers  are  always  at  hand  ; 
they  go  out  to  battle  for  the  same  reason,  and  exult  in  victory 
only  as  its  trophies  of  human  victims  will  glut  the  avarice  of 
the  slavers  on  the  coast. 

The  same  causes  have  introduced  among  them  a kind  of 
judiciary  system,  not  less  unprincipled  and  shocking  to  hu- 
manity. An  accused  person  is  summoned  before  a chief,  or 
headman,  on  the  merest  pretence  of  misdemeanor,  subjected 
to  a mock  trial,  and  condemned  to  slavery  ; and  it  may  be  the 
unfortunate  sufferer  is  one  of  the  domestics  or  family  connex- 
ions of  his  accuser  and  judge.  Chiefs  will  combine,  and  hold 
palavers  on  another  chief,  and  sentence  him  to  a fine  of  a cer- 
tain number  of  slaves.  These  he  must  procure  by  violently 


18 


ADVANTAGES  OF 


seizing  his  own  people,  or  sending  marauders  to  kidnap  them 
among  his  neighbours.  Courts  of  this  sort,  which  were  intro- 
duced by  the  slave  trade,  are  sanctioned  by  custom,  and  up- 
held by  the  laws  of  the  land.  Another  terrible  mode  of  trial 
is  by  the  Red  Water , which  is  generally  on  the  charge  of  w itch- 
craft.  Few  survive  this  operation.  All  who  die  are  account- 
ed guilty,  and  the  common  result  is,  that  several  persons  be- 
longing to  the  family  of  the  deceased  are  doomed  to  slavery. 

We  are  here  speaking  of  customs,  which  time  has  matured, 
and  which  the  natives  do  not  suppose  to  be  criminal.  What 
more  probable  remedy  can  be  held  out  for  these  local  and  for- 
midable evils  than  colonization  ? Let  the  slave  trade  be  aban- 
doned, and  the  thrifty  business  of  man-stealing  and  man-kil- 
ling will  no  doubt  droop,  and  perhaps  be  neglected,  because 
it  will  be  unprofitable.  But  to  what  honest  and  useful  occu- 
pation shall  the  natives  then  resort  ? The  arts  of  industry  they 
have  never  learnt,  and  its  happy  effects  they  have  never  expe- 
rienced. If,  however,  they  can  in  the  meantime  witness  the 
rising  prosperity  of  a separate  body  of  colonists,  who  enjov- 
no  local  advantages  over  themselves,  and  who  gain  strength  and 
gather  comforts  around  them,  by  a course  of  life  directly  op- 
posed to  the  one,  which  they  have  pursued,  will  not  such  an 
example  touch  the  rudest  mind,  and  compel  it  to  think  and  de- 
liberate ? Will  it  not  slowdy  unrivet  the  chains  of  habit, 
which  do  such  violence  to  nature,  unlock  the  prison  house 
of  the  moral  sense,  and  give  freedom  and  energy  to  the  long 
enthralled  intellect  ? Such  will  be  the  natural  progress  of 
events.  We  have  the  uniform  testimony  of  wrriters,  and  what 
is  more  than  all,  the  authority  of  Park,  that  the  negro  charac- 
ter is  mild,  gentle,  and  generous,  not  prone  to  resentments, 
and  equally  ready  to  forget,  and  reluctant  to  inflict  an  injury. 
This  is  far  from  being  a warlike,  or  vicious  character ; such 
odious  traits,  as  it  now  possesses,  have  been  engrafted  into  it 
by  hands  better  practiced  than  their  own  in  the  derices  of 
wickedness ; and  these  must  be  removed  by  a process  as 
gradual  as  that,  by  which  they  have  taken  so  deep  a root,  and 
acquired  so  firm  a trunk.  Better  habits  will  grow'  out  of  bet- 
ter principles  ; the  ferocity  of  ignorance,  and  the  bane  of  in-* 
dolence,  will  disappear  before  the  rising  light  of  know  ledge. 

Subsidiary  to  these  great  ends  will  be 

?ie  mental  culture,  and  religious  instruct- 

mong  them.  ' ion,  derived  to  the  natives  from  the  direct 
labours  and  indirect  influence  of  a colony. 

Could  a more  propitious  beginning  be  imagined,  or  a field 
be  better  prepared  for  culture  P You  have  no  obstinacy  to  con- 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 


19 


quer,  no  wild  and  restless  wanderings  of  a thoroughly  savage 
dispositon  to  tame,  no  contempt  of  knowledge  and  the  refine- 
ment of  civilized  life  to  soften,  no  torpid  indifference  to  rouse, 
no  spectres  of  a paralyzing  superstition  to  dispel.  You  have 
minds  to  deal  with  naturally  simple  and  artless,  tractable  in 
temper,  docile,  ready  to  learn,  and  requiring  only  the  use  of 
judicious  means  properly  applied. 

These  positions  are  verified,  not  more  by  the  above  facts, 
than  by  the  instance  of  Sierra  Leone.  In  the  twelve  schools 
of  that  colony,  there  are  now  two  thousand  persons  of  differ- 
ent ages,  under  the  care  of  about  thirty  teachers.  Their  gen- 
eral good  deportment,  and  progress  in  learning,  are  represent- 
ed, by  the  committees  appointed  to  examine  the  schools,  in 
terms  the  most  flattering.  They  were  all  recaptured  from 
slave  ships.  Some  have  already  become  teachers  themselves, 
and  gone  out  to  instruct  the  tribes  bordering  on  the  colony. 
The  mechanic  arts,  agriculture,  the  plainer  branches  of  manu- 
factures, and  whatever  gives  a spur  to  invention,  value  to  la- 
bour, a right  direction  to  power,  strength  to  morals,  and  re- 
finement to  thought,  may  well  be  reckoned  among  the  ele- 
ments of  an  African  education,  which  the  natives  are  glad  to 
learn  and  capable  of  receiving. 

In  regard  to  religious  instruction,  no  heathens  can  be  so 
easily  initiated  into  the  principles  of  Christianity,  as  the  in- 
habitants of  central  and  western  Africa.  They  believe  for  the 
most  part  in  a Supreme  Being,  but  their  notions  are  obscure, 
without  system  or  consistency.  They  have  no  conceptions  of 
the  attributes  of  God,  nor  do  they  ascribe  the  operations  of  na- 
ture to  his  agency.  When  Artus  told  them,  that  their  gold, 
fruits,  and  flocks  were  given  them  by  the  Deity,  they  replied, 
‘ the  earth  gives  us  gold,  the  earth  yields  us  maize  and  rice, 
the  sea  affords  us  fish,  but  if  we  do  not  labour  ourselves,  we 
may  starve  before  our  God  will  help  us.’  They  believe  in  an 
evil  and  good  principle,  existing  in  distinct  forms,  each  of 
which  has  power  over  them  ; and  they  are  also  strongly  affected 
by  charms,  termed  fetiches  on  the  coast,  and  Obi  in  the  West 
Indies.  It  matters  not  of  what  material  the  charm  is  made  ; 
when  once  consecrated  in  the  imagination  of  the  person  whose 
reverence  it  commands,  it  is  supposed  to  have  a power  little 
inferior  to  that  of  the  Deity,  and  to  hold  in  its  mysterious  vir- 
tues the  destiny  of  mortals. 

Such  a religion  has  too  few  points  of  consistency  to  acquire 
any  strength  by  age  ; its  principles  are  too  vague  to  gain  a 
permanent  entrance  into  the  mind ; it  has  nothing  to  engage 
the  fancy  or  captivate  the  understanding.  It  is  not  like  the 


so 


PRACTICABILITY  OF 


magnificent  fabric  of  Chinese  theology,  made  sacred  by  the  ve- 
nerated names  of  ancient  statesmen  and  sages,  standing  as  the 
firmest  pillar  of  the  empire,  and  secured  from  innovation  by 
the  impermeable  panoply  of  a language,  which  to  change  would 
be  to  destroy.  Nor  is  it  like  the  more  philosophical,  and  per- 
haps more  ancient  system  of  the  Hindoos,  rendered  imposing 
by  its  thousand  volumes  of  commentaries,  and  perpetuated  by 
an  unceasing,  overgrown  priesthood.  Nor  is  it  like  the  mon- 
strous folly  of  the  Tartars,  where  the  wretched  idea  of  a Grand 
Lama  has  driven  common  sense  from  the  minds  of  millions, 
and  united  them  in  an  unconquerable  system  of  visionary  ab- 
surdity. In  short,  the  world  does  not  contain  an  uncivilized 
people,  more  free  from  the  bias  of  heathenism  than  the  ne- 
groes. 

The  task  of  plucking  out  errors,  and  eradicating  deep 
rooted  superstitions,  which  is  so  formidable  in  most  cases,  is 
one  of  little  difficulty  with  them.  The  soil  is  already  prepa- 
red for  the  seed  ; and  this  only  requires  to  be  scattered  with 
a careful  hand,  and  nurtured  with  gentleness  and  skill.  The 
Mahometans  have  had  good  success,  and  many  persons  in  the 
central  parts  of  Africa  have  been  brought  over  to  their  faith. 
What  then  may  we  not  expect  from  the  simple  and  engaging- 
truths  of  Christianity  ? Shall  we  say,  that  the  sublime  doc- 
trines of  Jesus,  and  the  holy  precepts  of  his  religion,  have  less- 
power  to  convert  the  heathen,  than  the  profane  vagaries  of  the 
Arabian  impostor ; or  that  the  rude  followers  of  the  latter 
have  more  zeal,  than  the  humble  disciples  of  the  former  $ 
What  Christian  will  listen  to  so  ungracious  an  imputation  ? 
The  inference  must  be  allowed,  then,  both  from  a view  of  the 
religion  of  the  negroes,  and  the  success  of  Mahometanism 
among  them,  that  they  are  better  prepared,  than  any  other 
barbarous  people,  to  receive  religious  instruction  and  adopt 
new  principles  of  faith.  Thus  may  a colony  be  accessary  to 
the  advancement  of  religious  truth,  which  could  come  from 
no  other  quarter,  as  well  as  to  the  civil  improvement,  tempo- 
ral interests,  and  social  happiness  of  the  people  among  whom 
it  is  stationed. 


THE  PRACTICABILITY  OF  THE  SCHEME. 

Having  now  closed  what  we  proposed  to  say  on  the  advan- 
tages of  cnlonization  to  this  country  and  Africa,  we  proceed 
to  a few  hints  on  its  practicability. 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 


21 


The  objection,  which  has  been  urged  with 
otUerattenmts.  considerable  emphasis  against  the  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  that  the  scheme  of  forming  a 
Colony  in  Africa  is  impracticable,  we  think  sufficiently  an- 
swered by  the  fact,  that  numerous  colonies  have  been  setiled 
there , some  of  which  are  now  of  long  standing.  The  Portuguese, 
the  French,  the  Danes,  and  the  English,  have  establishments 
scattered  along  the  coast  from  Cape  Verde  to  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  which  must  no  doubt  be  profitable  to  those  go- 
vernmets,  or  they  would  not  have  been  maintained  till  the 
present  time.  More  than  a century  ago  the  French  establish- 
ed a post  on  the  Senegal,  upwards  of  four  hundred  miles  from 
its  mouth  5 at  Congo  the  Portuguese  have  grown  into  a numer- 
ous colony ; and  at  the  southern  extremity  of  Africa,  the 
Dutch  and  English  together  have  spread  over  a country  larger 
than  the  southern  peninsula  of  Europe.  As  it  is  not,  there- 
fore, a question  to  be  soberly  discussed,  whether  it  is  possible 
for  America  to  do  what  half  a dozen  other  nations  have  done, 
the  notion  that  colonization  is  impracticable  hardly  deserves 
to  be  considreed. 


, We  may  here  revert  again  to  Sierra  Leone, 

Sierra  Leone.  ^ J ® 

as  attorning  an  instance  more  directly  in 

point  for  our  present  purpose,  because  it  was  founded  on  prin- 
ciples nearly  allied  to  those  of  the  Colonization  Society.  It 
was  started  by  a private  company,  and  the  original  settlers 
were  taken  from  abroad.  At  the  close  of  the  American  Re- 
volution many  negroes  who  had  left  their  masters  during  the 
war,  and  gone  over  to  the  British  standard,  were  dispersed  in 
the  Bahama  Islands  and  Nova  Scotia,  where  the  white  loyalists 
took  refuge.  Some  found  their  way  to  London.  Four  hund- 
red of  these  were  shipped  by  their  own  consent  to  Sierra  Le- 
one in  1787.  The  black  settlers  in  Nova  Scotia  became  dis- 
satisfied with  the  rigorous  treatment  they  received,  and  com 
plained  to  the  British  ministry.  Emigration  was  thought  the 
only  remedy,  and  twelve  hundred  accepted  the  invitation  to 
be  transported  at  the  expense  of  the  government  to  Sierra  Le- 
one, where  they  arrived  five  years  after  those  from  London. 
It  thus  appears,  that  the  colony  at  Sierra  Leone  was  first  set- 
tled by  negroes,  who  had  been  slaves  in  this  country,  habitua- 
ted to  the  same  climate,  and  possessing  the  same  character,  a& 
the  persons  with  whom  it  is  contemplated  to  supply  the  new 
American  colony.  The  Maroons  from  Jamaica  did  not  arrive 
till  1805.  The  land  was  obtained  by  purchase  of  the  natives. 
For  some  time  the  Colony  proceeded  but  slowly  ; it  was  at- 
tacked by  the  French  ; the  natives  were  hostile  ; sickness  made 
its  ravages  ; want  and  fatigue  caused  despondency.  But  these 


22 


PRACTICABILITY  OF- 


difficulties  were  conquered  in  due  time  ; the  lands  were  clear- 
ed ; villages  are  now  rising  up,  churches  and  schools  are  mul- 
tiplying, agriculture  has  become  a settled  occupation,  and  so- 
ciety has  assumed  a shape  denoting  the  regularity  and  happi- 
ness of  civilized  life.  The  Sierra  Leone  Colony  now  consists 
of  twelve  thousand  inhabitants,  nearly  ten  thousand  of  whom 
are  recaptured  Africans,  thus  rescued  from  an  inhuman  bond- 
age, which  would  otherwise  have  been  entailed  on  them  and 
their  posterity  for  ever.  Why  shall  not  the  Colony  at  Mesu- 
rado  accomplish  as  much  in  the  same  time  ? And  should  it 
promise  no  more,  who  would  refuse  to  give  his  heart  and  his 
hands  to  a work,  which  may  save  ten  thousand  of  his  fellow- 
beings  from  slavery  and  wretchedness  ? 

It  has  been  a good  deal  insisted  on,  as  a proof 
Objection.  ^practicability  °f  colonization,  that  emi- 

grants could  not  be  induced  to  embark.  Experi- 
ence has  shewn  the  futility  of  this  objection.  Volunteers  have 
ever  been  ready  in  greater  numbers  than  the  Society  could  re- 
ceive, and  at  this  time  the  names  of  more  persons  are  on  the 
list  of  application,  than  it  would  be  prudent  to  send  at  once. 
They  should  not  be  suffered  to  go  out  faster  than  they  can  be 
well  provided  for,  and  we  presume  that  two  or  three  hundred 
a year  would  be  quite  as  many  as  could  find  comfortable  quar- 
ters in  a new  Colony.  The  ratio  of  capacity  for  receiving 
others  will  of  course  increase  very  rapidly  ; it  will  be  in  pro- 
portion to  the  surplus  of  labour  among  the  resident  Colonists 
over  what  is  necessary  to  supply  their  immediate  w ants.  The 
avails  of  the  rest  can  be  appropriated  to  the  use  of  new  adven- 
turers, in  supplying  them  with  food,  houses,  and  other  requi- 
sites of  life.  On  this  principle  the  time  will  come,  in  the  natu- 
ral progress  of  things,  when  there  will  be  ability  to  provide  for 
emigrants  in  Africa  as  fast  as  the  condition  of  the  blacks,  and 
the  established  order  of  society,  will  permit  them  to  depart  from 
this  country.  The  early  disasters  at  Sierra  Leone  were  owing 
in  a great  measure  to  the  numbers  landed  at  once,  without 
comfortable  dwellings,  clothes,  provisions,  and  good  attendance 
in  sickness.  Our  own  Colony  has  experienced  similar  cala- 
mities from  the  same  causes. 

Again,  it  has  been  said,  that,  the  expense  of 
Objection,  transportation  is  so  great,  as  to  prevent  its  being 
carried  to  any  available  extent.  This  objection  is 
founded  on  a false  estimate  of  facts,  as  any  one  may  be  convin- 
ced, who  will  thoroughly  examine  the  subject.  The  Society  has 
sent  out  emigrants  at  fifty  dollars  a piece,  and  it  might  be  done 
much  lower,  if  the  business  were  prosecuted  on  a large  scale. 
Many  coloured  persons  have  property  more  than  sufficient  to  pay 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 


their  own  passage,  and  laws  might  be  passed  to  cause  others  to 
save  their  earnings,  till  they  amounted  to  enough  for  their  pas- 
sage money.  Besides,  what  should  prevent  some  of  our  pub- 
lie  vessels  being  employed  in  this  work,  and  at  an  expense  ve- 
ry little  exceeding  that,  which  is  now  required  to  keep  them 
in  service  ? And  last  of  all,  why  should  not  a portion  of  the 
national  revenue  be  appropriated  to  an  object,  which  so  vitally 
affects  the  rising  interests  of  our  confederacy  ? 

Let  it  be  our  pride  to  follow,  as  far  as  the  genius  of  our  in- 
stitutions will  permit,  the  liberal  and  high-minded  example  of 
a younger  republic.  The  Government  of  Colombia  has  not  only 
decreed,  that 4 ail,  of  whatever  colour,  are  entitled  to  the  same 
privileges  as  white  men,’  but  has  enacted  a statute  for  thegrad- 
ual  abolition  of  slavery  within  its  own  territory,  by  establishing 
a manumission  fund,  arising  out  of  a tax  on  a portion  of  the 
property  left  by  persons  at  their  death.  Why  may  not  our 
Congress  so  far  w alk  in  the  steps  of  the  generous  friends  of  hu- 
manity in  Colombia,  as  to  appropriate  a reasonable  amount  to 
relieve  the  country  from  the  nuisance  and  terror  of  the  free 
black  population  ? Or,  should  the  argument  from  humanity  and 
this  example  be  thought  of  little  weight,  w hy  should  not  such  a 
measure  be  prompted  by  a regard  for  the  deepest  concerns  and 
supreme  welfare  of  the  nation  P 

The  unhealthiness  of  the  climate  is  another 
Objection  objection,  usually  advanced  against  the  practica- 
bility of  a settlement  in  Africa.  In  respect  to 
this,  we  beg  permission  again  to  referto  the  European  Colonies, 
which  have  been  so  long  in  operation.  That  the  coast  of  west- 
ern Africa  is  unhealihy  to  northern  constitutions,  is  not  deni- 
ed ; but  no  proof  has  been  exhibited,  that  it  is  more  so  than 
other  tropical  climates,  or  even  the  alluvial  districts  of  the  U.. 
States.  Let  a colony  from  the  northern  and  middle  states  be 
transported  to  the  low  and  fertile  parts  of  the  Carol  mas,  or  to  the 
banks  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the  warm  season,  and  the  mortality 
would  be  much  greater,  than  has  been  known  in  Africa,  even 
in  the  midst  of  the  fatal  rains.  By  Meredith,  Wadstrom,  Dr. 
Lind,  and  others,  w ho  have  had  an  opportunity  of  being  in- 
formed, it  is  stated  with  confidence,  that  the  country  about 
Sierra  Leone  is  equal  in  salubrity  to  the  most  healthy  of  the 
West  India  Islands.  The  mortality  of  the  Colonists  in  Afri- 
ca has  not  been  more  alarming,  than  it  was  among  the  original 
settlers  of  New  England,  and  other  parts  of  America.  The  un- 
usual sickness  of  the  first  emigrants  to  Sierra  Leone,  and  of  those 
gone  from  this  country,  depended  on  incidental  causes,  many  of 
which  have  no  necessary  connection  w ith  the  climate,  and  which 
will  never  occur  to  the  same  degree,  when  the  forests  shall  be 


24 


PRACTICABILITY  OF 


cleared,  the  miasmata  of  decayed  vegetation  removed,  and  the 
people  supplied  with  comfortAble  habitations  and  wholesome 
food.  On  the  whole,  there  seems  no  reason  to  suppose  western 
Africa  more  unhealthy,  than  other  parts  of  the  world,  to  which 
people  have  emigrated  for  centuries,  and  where  they  have  built 
cities,  established  governments,  and  grown  into  empires. 

The  local  situation  selected  for  our  present  Colony  enjoys 
many  positive  advantages.  In  speaking  of  the  tracts  of  coun- 
try around  Cape  Monte  and  Cape  Mesurado,  Dr.  Leyden  says, 
* These  districts  have  been  described  by  Des  Marchais,  Vil- 
lault,  Philips,  Atkins,  Bosman,  and  Smith,  as  pleasant,  salu- 
brious and  fertile.’  Again  he  adds,  ‘Cape  Mesurado  is  a de- 
tached mountain,  steep  and  elevated  towards  the  sea,  with  a 
gentle  declivity  on  the  land  side.  The  adjacent  country  is  ex- 
tremely fertile,  producing  sugar  cane,  indigo,  and  cotton,  with- 
out cultivation.’ 

No  man  is  better  acquainted  with  the  coast  of  Africa,  pro- 
bably, than  Sir  George  R.  Collier,  who  has  been  the  chief  com- 
mander of  the  British  squadron  stationed  there  for  three  or 
four  years.  In  his  Second  Report  to  the  British  government, 
respecting  the  settlements  in  Africa,  he  thus  alludes  to  the  at- 
tempt to  form  a Colony  at  Sherbro.  ‘Had  America,’  he  ob- 
serves, k who,  excepting  Great  Britain,  appears  more  in  earnest 
than  any  other  nation,  established  her  lately  attempted  settle- 
ment at  Cape  Mesurado,  or  even  at  Cape  Monte,  she  would  at 
least  have  secured  a more  healthful,  and  by  far  a more  conven- 
ient spot,  than  her  late  ill-chosen  one  in  the  Sherbro.  And  an 
establishment  by  America,  either  at  Cape  Monte,  or  Cape  Me- 
surado, would  have  afforded  to  the  friends  of  humanity  the  most 
rational  hopes,  that  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the 
American  Colony,  the  demand  for  slaves  would  have  been 
checked,  and  thus  a settlement  would  have  been  formed,  useful 
to  the  purposes  of  civilization  ; and  from  its  actual,  though  dis- 
tant intercourse  with  the  frontiers  of  Gaman  and  Ashantee, 
have  opened  the  line  of  lucrative  speculation  to  the  American 
merchant,  and  with  the  additional  advantage -of  doing  so  with- 
out interfering  in  any  way  with  the  prosperity  of  the  British 
Colony  of  Sierra  Leone.’  These  remarks  are  of  more  practi- 
cal value,  than  volumes  of  speculations  penned  in  this  country, 
founded  on  conjecture,  or  deduced  from  abstract  principles. 
They  are  from  a person  who  enjoyed  the  best  opportunities  for 
observation,  repeatedly  traversed  the  coast,  and  whose  busi- 
ness it  was  to  supply  his  government  with  accurate  knowledge. 
On  this  testimony,  connected  with  that  of  our  own  agents,  we 
are  willing  to  rest,  and  are  satisfied  with  the  conviction,  that 
Mesurado  affords  all  the  requisite  facilities  for  building  up  an 


COLONIZATION  IN  AFRICA. 


25 


establishment,  whieh  ought  to  receive  the  cordial  support  of 
every  friend  of  his  species,  every  lover  of  right  and  freedom, 
and  every  sincere  patriot  in  this  country. 

The  formidable  encroachment,  which  the  present  article 
has  already  made  on  our  accustomed  limits,  compels  us  to  de- 
sist from  several  remarks  intended  for  this  part  of  the  subject. 
We  trust,  that  from  what  has  been  said,  our  readers  will  be 
enabled  to  arrive  at  a just  understanding  of  the  history  and 
objects  of  the  Colonization  Society,  the  practicability  of  these 
objects,  and  the  methods  by  Vhich  they  may  be  attained. 
Much  more  might  be  added  to  illustrate  this  last  topic,  both 
in  regard  to  the  local  circumstances  of  the  Colony  at  Mesura- 
do,  and  to  the  means  employed  at  home  to  supply  it  with  emi- 
grants ; but  the  view  we  have  taken  is  enough,  we  think,  to 
justify  us  in  the  belief,  that  the  plan  in  its  outlines  is  well  con- 
ceived, and  wants  only  the  vigorous  cooperation  of  the  public 
to  make  it  entirely  successful. 

We  should  be  glad,  also,  if  we  had  room,  to  press  a few  of 
the  reasons,  why  the  particular  attention  of  our  National  Le- 
gislature is  demanded  to  this  Colony,  and  to  urge  the  impor- 
tance of  its  being  taken  wholly  under  the  eharge  and  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  government.  In  regard  to  what  is  called  the  con- 
stitutional question,  whether  the  United  States  have  power  to 
establish  such  a Colony,  we  know  not  in  what  it  differs  from 
the  question,  whether  they  have  power  to  put  their  own  laws 
in  execution,  or  take  the  only  efficient  measures  to  suppress  an 
evil,  whose  contagion  is  daily  spreading,  and  which  threatens 
a more  serious  calamity  than  any  other  to  our  national  prosper- 
ity, if  not  to  our  political  being.  It  would  be  strange,  indeed, 
if  it  should  be  made  plain  to  our  Legislators,  that  the  constitu- 
tion stops  their  ears  to  the  cries  of  humanity,  ties  their  hands 
from  the  work  of  benevolence,  and  compels  them  to  nurture 
the  seeds  and  foster  the  growth  of  our  own  destruction.  And 
it  comes  to  this,  if  they  have  not  power  to  establish  a Colony 
abroad  to  receive  the  free  blacks ; for  we  hold  it  to  be  a posi- 
tion, as  firmly  grounded  as  any  law  in  nature  or  society,  that 
our  black  population  can  never  be  drawn  off.  except  through 
the  medium  of  such  an  establishment.  Let  us  denominate  our 
Colony  a Territory , if  we  will , and  then  it  will  not  differ  from 
our  other  Territories,  except  in  being  separated  from  the  con- 
federated States  by  an  ocean,  instead  of  a river,  or  a lake. 
A voyage  from  Washington  to  Mesurado  can  be  performed  as 
quick  as  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  or  the  Saut  of  St.  Mary, 
and  much  quicker  than  to  the  Manclan  Villages. 

While  writing  the  above,  we  have  been  gratified  to  see  ac- 
counts of  new  Auxiliary  Societies  springing  up  in  different 

D 


26 


APPENDIX. 


parts  of  the  country,  and  especially  one  at  Richmond,  Vir- 
ginia, with  the  venerable  Chief  Justice  Marshall  at  its  head. 
The  sanction  of  such  a name  may  well  confirm  the  confidence 
of  the  steady  advocates  for  Colonization,  and  communicate  a 
quickening  power  to  the  tardy  zeal  of  the  wavering.  When, 
in  addition  to  this,  we  reflect  on  the  unqualified  approbation 
with  which  the  present  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation  has  uni- 
formly regarded  the  designs  of  the  Colonization  Society,  the 
number  of  distinguished  persons  found  among  its  active  pat- 
rons, aud  the  progress  it  has  made  under  an  accumulation  of 
discouraging  circumstances,  we  can  hardly  desire  a stronger 
testimony  to  the  importance  of  its  objects,  or  a more  auspicious 
presage  of  its  ultimate  success. 


APPENDIX. 


Banger  from  the  Natives  has  often  been  urged  to  prove  the 
impracticability  of  this  enterprize  ; and  the  late  disaster  of  the 
British  Colony  at  Cape  Coast  Castle  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as 
confirming  these  apprehensions^  But,  let  it  be  remembered, 
that  Cape  Coast  Castle  is  as  far  to  the  south  of  Liberia,  as 
Sierra  Leone  is  to  the  north  ; and  that  the  character  and  situ- 
ation of  the  Aborigines  in  its  vicinity,  are  very  different  from 
those  around  our  settlement  at  Montserado.  In  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  latter,  the  country  is  said  to  be  cut  up  into  petty 
principalities,  each  under  the  authority  of  its  own  king;  who 
can  seldom  bring  more  than  150  or  200  men  into  the  field.  No 
one  of  these  can  declare  war  without  the  consent  of  the  whole 
confederacy,  If  one  or  two  of  them,  then,  are  triendly,  the 
rest  may  easily  be  kept  quiet.  The  Ashantees,  on  the  con- 
trary, by  whom  Governor  McCarthy  was  defeated,  could 
bring  50  or  60,000  effective  men  into  the  field. 

But  the  matter  has  already  been  tested  by  actual,  experi- 
ment. Shortly  after  the  first  establishment  of  the  present  Co- 
lony, when  it  numbered  only  thirty  men , and  these  destilute 
of  fortifications,  artillery,  and  all  the  means  of  military  de- 
fence ; when  the  trees  and  shrubbery  were  so  thick  that  an 
enemy  might  make  a covert  approach  to  their  very  doors:  at  a 
time,  too,  when  they  were  so  little  apprehensive  of  immediate 
danger,  that  the  foe  came  actually  upon  them  before  they  v\ere 
aware  of  his  approach — under  circumstances  of  disadvantage 


APPENDIX. 


27 


like  these,  they  were  invaded  by  as  large  a force  as  the  natives 
are  ever  likely  to  bring  against  them  ; and  what  was  the  re- 
sult ? An  immediate  and  complete  repulse ; with  a loss,  on 
our  part,  of  only  three  men  ! 

There  are  now  eight  or  ten  times  as  many  persons  attach- 
ed to  the  Colony,  as  when  Monrovia  was  first  attacked. 
They  have  strong,  well-constructed  fortifications  ; they  have 
artillery;  they  have  abundant  ammunition;  the  ground  has 
been  cleared  for  some  distance  around  the  fort;  and  the  ap- 
propriations which  Congress  have  made,  (and  our  benevolent 
Chief  Magistrate  so  judiciously  applied)  for  the  suppression  of 
the  Slave  Trade,  will  probably  place  a considerable  naval 
force  always  within  their  reach.  Under  circumstances  like 
these  (altering  as  they  are  every  day,  for  the  better)  who  that 
recollects  the  result  of  the  former  attempt,  can  fear  any  future 
invasion  P The  fact  is,  that  having  made  their  effort,  and  be- 
ing so  easily  defeated,  they  are  not  likely  to  repeat  it. 

Let  a lucrative  trade  be  once  fairly  introduced  ; make 
Montserado  a market  for  the  productions  of  the  surrounding 
country  ; and  a pacific  policy  will  be  felt  to  be  their  interest. 
That  they  are  at  this  time  disposed  to  cultivate  such  a policy, 
is  evident,  from  the  fact,  that  a flourishing  school  has  been 
formed  by  the  Colonists,  in  which  the  native  children  are  re- 
gularly instructed. 

What  number  composed  the  first  English  expedition  that 
landed  upon  these  shores  ? Did  they  bear  any  proportion  to 
the  myriads  of  warlike  savages  who  then  swarmed  over  the 
land  that  we  now  call  our  own  ? And  yet  where  are  these  myri- 
ads ? They  have  perished  from  the  earth.  And  where  is  the 
feeble  Colony,  which  they  vainly  endeavoured  to  exterminate  P 
Verily,  the  little  mustard  seed  has  flourished  ; it  has  become  a 
tree  that  reaches  to  the  clouds ; and  the  fowls  of  heaven  build 
their  nests  securely  in  its  branches. 


FACTS  RELATIVE  TO  THE  CLIMATE  OF  AFRICA. 

1st.  Every  individual  of  a late  expedition  to  Liberia,  was 
taken  with  the  disease  of  the  country  immediately  on  their  ar- 
rival, and  not  one  died . Does  not  this  prove  that  the  disease 
is  a very  mild  one  ? 

2d.  “ Let  it  be  remembered,  (sav  the  Managers  of  the  So- 
ciety at  Washington)  that  the  fever  has  been  generally  mild, 
and  that  it  has  appeared  in  no  instance  among  those  who  have 
resided  one  year  at  the  Colony.”  (See  their  last  Report.) 


28 


APPENDIX. 


3d.  “ There  was  no  instance  (writes  Dr.  Ayres  to  Capt. 
Stockton)  in  the  three  years  during  which  I resided  at  the  Co- 
lony, of  a case  of  fever  among  those  who  recovered  from  their 
first  sicknes.”  (See  Ayres’  letter.) 

4th.  From  the  first  settlement  of  our  Colony  at  Liberia, 
until  the  last  Report  of  the  Parent  Society,  only  eight  growti 
black  persons*  had  died  by  fever.  (See  last  Report.) 


VOLUNTARY  EMANCIPATION. 

Several  applications  of  owners  to  give  up  their  slaves  to  the 
Society,  are  now  before  the  Board,  waiting  for  the  Colony  to 
be  so  established,  as  to  receive  this  unhappy  class  of  our  popu- 
lation. 

In  1815,  the  Convention  of  Manumission  and  Abolition  So- 
cieties at  Philadelphia,  was  appfed  to,  to  receive  sever|l  hun- 
dreds of  slaves,  attended  with  large  donations  of  money ; but 
the  Convention  was  compelled  to  give  to  these  generous  own- 
ers of  slaves,  the  unwelcome  answer,  that  it  could  not  receive 
them, 

1,4  It  would  go  far,”  say  the  Managers  in  their  third  Report, 
audit  ought  to  go  far,  “towards  extinguishing  the  prejudices 
existing  in  the  northern  sections  of  the  Union,  if  the  fact  were 
generally  known,  that  in  the  two  slave-holding  states  of  Mary- 
land and  Virginia,  where  so  many  motives  of  policy  conspire 
to  retard,  or  to  prevent  emancipation,  there  were  sixty-three 
thousand  free  people  of  colour,  at  the  census  of  1810  : that 
within  a few  years  past,  more  than  five  hundred  slaves  have 
been  emancipated  in  Virginia,  by  three  individuals  only. 

“ When  it  is  recollected  that  all  the  free  people  of  colour 
south  of  Pennsylvania  owe  their  liberation  to  the  voluntary 
acts  of  their  former  masters,  it  will  not  be  deemed  an  extrava- 
gant deduction,  to  infer  from  these  facts,  that,  when,  by  colo- 
nizing the  free  people  of  colour,  every  political  restraint  upon 
emancipation  shall  have  been  removed,  there  will  be  found  no 
sordid  impediment  to  the  Colonization  of  Africa,  in  the  pro- 
pensities of  the  southern  proprietor. 

44  If  emancipation  is  still  going  on,  notwithstanding  all  the 
restrictions,  and  by  evasions  of  the  laws,  and  while  the  condi- 
tion of  the  free  men  of  colour  ^fiords  so  little  inducement  to 
the  master  to  discard  from  his  care  those  who  depend  upon 
him  for  protection,  what  may  not  be  expected  if  Africa  should 
prove  to  be  to  them  what  America  is  to  us — a land  of  plenty 
and  of  freedom?  [Rep.  of  N.  York  Col.  Soc.] 


